Left/Right Agnosia is a neurological symptom, often associated with Gestmann Syndrome (amongst other such disorders), where the subject is unable to distinguish between Left and Right. National Socialism, or Nazism as it is otherwise commonly known, has long been claimed, usually by scholars and academics with exclusively Left of centre political inclinations, to be a “Right Wing“, or a “Far-Right” ideology.
I would respectfully, but strongly dissent from this rather simplistic, and somewhat blinkered view of their ideological framework in favour of formulating a deeper and more thoughtful assessment of exactly who the National Socialists were, what they stood for and against, and how they might fit into the somewhat archaic, and often completely arbitrary Left/Right political spectrum.
I would firstly contend that the simplistic Left/Right dichotomy applies least to National Socialism of all the political ideologies. It is first and foremost a revolutionary ideology (something more often associated with Left wing doctrines), and it is neither reactionary nor evolutionary in nature, qualities that are more usually associated with being to the Right of the political centre.
Nazism is an anti-religious doctrine (unlike most other Right wing ideologies), and it is also fervently anti-capitalist, seeking to establish an idealised and novel variation of human society where the individual is entirely subservient to the state. National Socialism (“Nazism”) therefore was better described as the “Third Way”, as its proponents regularly claimed in their own words, and in their written manifestos of the time.
In view of this, it would be more accurate to refer to Nazism as a syncretic ideology, an amalgamation of political thought embracing elements of both the political Right and the Left. Nazism clearly embraces certain aspects of what was then contemporary Leftist thinking of its time- including such ideas/concepts as Eugenics, Social Darwinism, universal healthcare, Malthusianism, organic farming and macrobiotics, and radical environmentalism, as well as elements we might now associate with “the Right”- ultranationalism, racial purity and militarism in particular, although it could well be argued that many nominally “Leftist” juntas (e.g. North Korea, Communist China, Stalinist Russia) have embraced any or all three of these allegedly “Right Wing” characteristics at various times.
Hitler’s Political Origins Give Clues to His Ideological Leanings:
What is particularly interesting about Adolf Hitler is that he did not arise from the political Far Right. He did not, for example, join the Freikorps (the “Free Corps”), bands of demobbed soldiers after the First World War who soon proceeded to mobilise around the country crushing any “socialist” insurrections, shooting Bolshevist Jews and so on. In spite of Hitler’s subsequent reputation, he never took part in any of that far Right activity at all.
Hitler instead was attracted to the far Left Munich Soviet Government led by Kurt Eisner. He was soon elected as a representative of his regiment to the “Soviet” council of this same “Soviet” government. The idea of workers, soldiers and peasants electing councils, which were then called “Soviets”, originally came from Vladimir Lenin and the Russian Bolsheviks. Lenin’s early battle cry was ‘All power to the Soviets’.1
In post-War Germany, after the fall of the Kaiser, Berlin’s Monarch Emperor, the Marxists and their fellow Left Wingers were inspired by the original idea of Lenin’s ‘Soviets’, and worker and soldier councils soon sprouted up as these Leftist regimes suddenly emerged in cities all around Germany, taking full advantage of the chaos of the times.
Adolf Hitler then took over a very small socialist party in Munich, called the German Workers Party, and renamed it the NSDAP, the National Socialist German Workers Party. He could do so because he had a strong and vocal following that invaded their meeting, who then voted him in as secretary.
Hitler then produced his 25 point programme, a manifesto which is remarkably socialist and Left leaning in many respects. The main thing that distinguishes it from Marxist socialism is that his programme had no internationalist idealism. Hitler cared nothing for other nations and instead wanted his brand of socialism to support the German worker exclusively.
From the NSDAP’s “unalterable” 25 point 1920 program of the party- it proposed, among other things:
“that all unearned income, and all income that does not arise from work, be abolished“;
“the nationalization of all trusts“;
“profit-sharing in large industries“; and
“an agrarian reform in accordance with our national requirements, and the enactment of a law to expropriate the owners without compensation of any land needed for the common purpose. The abolition of ground rents, and the prohibition of all speculation in land.”
In the Nazi 25-point program notice that they wish to replace Roman Law with Germanic Law.
Here, Hitler began to show an even more overt “Left Wing” ideological bent, in that he wanted to abolish the leisure class and, as stated above, all unearned income. People would only have the money they could earn with their own work, not that of others. The whole rentier class, and usury of any kind was therefore in his gunsights. He also demanded higher pensions for the elderly, and promoted the idea that the greater good of the community of the German people should be aimed for as a primary goal. Hitler placed a very strong emphasis in his ideology on the “German blood” community (Volksgemeinschaft), and of returning all German lands into the Reich, including his native Austria.
Even at this early stage, there is a strong disapproval of foreigners in his proposals. He believed that there should be no work for foreigners in Germany whilst there is still unemployment amongst German citizens. No foreign owned newspapers would be allowed that could try to pull the wool over German eyes or defend the interests of foreign powers. The only foreign papers that would be sold would be those not written in German, for tourists to buy or those studying those foreign lands.
Hitler by then had begun to more freely exhibit a marked streak of anti-Semitism, believing that the Jews were really not Germans, but were instead foreigners. Whilst this is tempting to ascribe as “Right Wing” ideologically, if one looks at the early French socialists those trends of anti-semitism and nationalist preference are strongly embedded in the 19th century.
In their own words: “Since we are Socialists, we must necessarily also be antisemites because we want to fight against the very opposite: materialism and mammonism… How can you not be an antisemite, being a socialist!”
In the mind of the Nazi, Jews were synonymous with money changing, usury and materialism, so in addition to not being “true” Germans in their eyes, they were also despised by Hitler in particular for not being truly patriotic, allegedly not helping sufficiently in supporting or financing Germany’s WW1 war efforts2, and they were also the prime representative (due largely to their aptitude for success in business) of the capitalist ethos that the Nazis strove to eliminate.
From Wiki:
Before Austria became a republic, the NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei), proclaimed this program in May 1918:
“…the German National Socialist Workers’ Party is not a party exclusively for labourers; it stands for the interests of every decent and honest enterprise. It is a liberal (freiheitlich) and strictly folkic party fighting against all reactionary efforts, clerical, feudal and capitalistic privileges“
Prof. J. Salwyn Schapiro’s Definition of Fascism:
“It would be a great error to regard fascism as a counter-revolutionary movement directed against the Communists, as was that of the reactionaries against the liberals during the first half of the nineteenth century. Fascism is something unique in modern history, in that it is a revolutionary movement of the middle class directed, on the one hand, against the great banks and Big Business and, on the other hand, against the revolutionary demands of the working class. It repudiates Democracy as a political system in which the bankers, capitalists, and socialists find free scope for their activities, and it favours a dictatorship that will eliminate these elements from the life of the nation. Fascism proclaims a body of doctrines that are not entirely new; there are no “revelations” in history.”
Konrad Heiden: (“Hitler: A Biography”)
“He (Adolf Hitler) wants, once and forever, to do away with the old ruling caste; with petrified legitimists, and hollow dignitaries in gold-braided uniforms“- therefore Hitler was not himself a reactionary, as those “petrified legitimists and hollow dignitaries” are the very reactionaries he despises.
“Socialism is an ancient Aryan, Germanic institution. Our German ancestors held certain lands in common. They cultivated the idea of the common weal. Marxism has no right to disguise itself as socialism. Socialism, unlike Marxism, does not repudiate private property. Unlike Marxism, it involves no negation of personality, and unlike Marxism, it is patriotic.
“We might have called ourselves the Liberal Party. We chose to call ourselves the National Socialists. We are not internationalists. Our socialism is national. We demand the fulfilment of the just claims of the productive classes by the state on the basis of race solidarity. To us state and race are one.”
The Revolutionary Zeal of the Nazis:
Adolf Hitler himself wanted to call his party “The Social Revolutionary Party”.
In “Der Fuehrer”, Konrad Heiden, the first biographer of Hitler and the National Socialist movement writes:
“Rohm coined the slogan that there must be a ‘second revolution’, this time, not against the Left, but against the Right; in his diary, Goebbels agreed with him. On April 18, he maintained that this second revolution was being discussed ‘everywhere among the people’; in reality, he said, this only meant that the first one was not yet ended. ‘Now we shall soon have to settle with the reaction. The revolution must nowhere call a halt’.”
He goes on to describe Nazism as ” A youth creating for itself a new state. A new species of man.“
and “Hitler seized on it in his own way. He led the uprooted proletarians and the uprooted intellectuals together. And this gives rise to a new man: Neither of the two could exist without the other. Both belong together, and from these two a new man must crystallize–the man of the coming German Reich.“
Hermann Rauschning was a German conservative reactionary who briefly joined the Nazi movement before breaking with it. In 1934, he renounced Nazi Party membership and in 1936 emigrated from Germany. He eventually settled in the United States and began openly denouncing Nazism.
Rauschning is chiefly known for his book “Gespräche mit Hitler” (“Conversations with Hitler”, American title: “Voice of Destruction”, British title: “Hitler Speaks”) in which he claimed to have had many meetings and conversations with Adolf Hitler:
“National Socialism is an unquestionably genuine revolutionary movement in the sense of a final achievement on a vaster scale of the “mass rising” dreamed of by Anarchists and Communists.”
It can be seen from the evidence above that Hitler and the Nazis were genuinely revolutionary, and not the least bit reactionary in their outlook, and nor were they in any way conservative by their very nature.
The Symbology of Nazism:
The National Socialist symbology makes the case for it having at least some Left Wing characteristics even further, with its Nazi flag displaying an outer red border/background symbolising universal socialism, with a white circle within it symbolising the German nation (and likely also racial purity), with the swastika emblem which symbolised the Aryan heritage, linking the German peoples back to its mythical roots in the fall of ancient Troy. The swastika symbol itself was also, interestingly, used as a symbol by Soviet Red Army units in the post revolution Russian civil war, prior to its adoption by Adolf Hitler and his Nazi cohorts.
Interestingly, the Nazi flag was actually designed by Adolf Hitler himself, a salient fact that gives one significant insight into his perceptions as to what Nazism precisely was, and what it represented politically and ideologically to him in the symbolism used to define it.
Paul von Hindenburg’s Fatal Error of Judgement:
The elections of September 1930 resulted in the break-up of the Grand Coalition (which included all of the major parties of the left, centre, and centre-right – the SPD, the Catholic Centre Party, the German Democratic Party (DDP), and the German People’s Party (DVP) ), and its subsequent replacement with a minority cabinet. Its leader, Chancellor Heinrich Brüning of the Centre Party, governed through emergency decrees from President Paul von Hindenburg. Governance by decree became the new norm and paved the way for more authoritarian forms of government. The Nazi Party rose from obscurity to win 18.3 per cent of the vote and 107 parliamentary seats in the 1930 election, becoming the second-largest party in parliament as a consequence.
“He met Adolf Hitler for the first time in October 1931, at a high-level conference in Berlin. Everyone present saw that they took an immediate dislike to each other. Afterwards Paul von Hindenburg in private often disparagingly referred to Hitler as “that Austrian corporal“, “that Bohemian corporal” or sometimes simply as “the corporal”, and also derided Hitler’s Austrian dialect.
For his part, Hitler often labeled Hindenburg as “that old fool” or “that old reactionary“. On 26 January 1933, Hindenburg privately told a group of his friends: “Gentlemen, I hope you will not hold me capable of appointing this Austrian corporal to be Reich Chancellor”. Hindenburg made it clear that he saw himself as the leader of the “national” forces and expected Hitler to follow his lead.”
In the 1932 German election, Hitler ran against Hindenburg. Hindenburg had support from various nationalist, monarchist, Catholic, and republican parties, and some Social Democrats. Hitler came in second in both rounds of the election, garnering more than 35 per cent of the vote in the final election. Although he lost to Hindenburg, this election established Adolf Hitler as a strong, and increasingly ominous force in German politics.
Hindenburg’s conservative supporters had decided not to make any personal attacks against Adolf Hitler in the first round of the 1932 elections, although instead they criticised the NSDAP and its ideology.
“In the runoff, they portrayed Hitler as a party man whose anti-republican rhetoric disguised the NSDAP’s adherence to the system. They also portrayed Hitler and the Nazis as socialists whose rhetoric against Marxism was a disguise towards their own dislike of private property and free enterprise. They contrasted Hindenburg’s Christian character with the Hitler’s apathy at least, and downright antipathy at worst, towards organised religion.“
Source: Jones, Larry Eugene (1997). “Hindenburg and the Conservative Dilemma in the 1932 Presidential Elections”. German Studies Review. 20 (2): 235–259. doi:10.2307/1431947.
The absence of an effective government prompted two influential politicians, Franz von Papen and Alfred Hugenberg, along with several other industrialists and businessmen, to write a letter to Hindenburg. The signers urged Hindenburg to appoint Hitler as leader of a government “independent from parliamentary parties“, which could turn into a movement that would “enrapture millions of people”.
Hindenburg reluctantly agreed to appoint Hitler as Chancellor after two further parliamentary elections—in July and November 1932—had not resulted in the formation of a majority government. Hitler headed a short-lived coalition government formed by the Nazi Party (which had the most seats in the Reichstag) and Hugenberg’s party, the German National People’s Party (DNVP).
Source: Wikipedia
Various strategies were attempted by the Nazi Party’s opponents, conservatives included, to prevent them forming a majority government. Because of the political stalemate, Hitler then asked Paul von Hindenburg to again dissolve the Reichstag, and elections were scheduled for early March. On 27 February 1933, fate intervened when the Reichstag building was set on fire in an act of terrorism. For many decades after the War, historians believed this to have been a false flag event at the instigation of the Nazis themselves, but in recent times it has become generally accepted that the fire was set by a lone Dutch Communist (Marinus van der Lubbe), who committed the act in protest at the rise of Fascism in Germany.
In what can only be described as one of the worst “own goals” in political history, the incident became a key component of the ascendency to an absolute dictatorship of the Nazi regime. In response, Hindenburg signed the Reichstag Fire Decree of 28 February, drafted by the Nazis, which suspended basic rights and allowed detention without trial. The decree was permitted under Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution, which gave the President (Hindenburg) the power to take emergency measures to protect public safety and order. Activities of the German Communist Party (KPD) were suppressed, and some 4,000 KPD members were then arrested under this pretext.
On election day, 6 March 1933, the Nazi Party’s share of the vote increased to 43.9 per cent, and the party acquired the largest number of seats in parliament. Hitler’s party failed to secure an absolute majority, necessitating another coalition with the DNVP.
To achieve full political control despite not having an absolute majority in parliament, Hitler’s government brought the Ermächtigungsgesetz (Enabling Act) to a vote in the newly elected Reichstag. The Act – officially titled the Gesetz zur Behebung der Not von Volk und Reich (“Law to Remedy the Distress of People and Reich“) – gave Hitler’s cabinet the power to enact laws without the consent of the Reichstag for four years. These laws could (with certain exceptions) deviate from the constitution.
Since it would affect the constitution, the Enabling Act required a two-thirds majority to pass. Leaving nothing to chance, the Nazis used the provisions of the Reichstag Fire Decree to arrest all 81 Communist deputies (in spite of their virulent campaign against the party, the Nazis had allowed the KPD to contest the election) and also to prevent several Social Democrats from attending.
After Hitler verbally promised Centre Party leader Ludwig Kaas that Hindenburg would retain his power of veto, Kaas announced the Centre Party would support the Enabling Act. The Act passed by a vote of 444–94, with all parties except the Social Democrats voting in favour. The Enabling Act, along with the Reichstag Fire Decree, transformed Hitler’s government into a de facto legal dictatorship.
Source: Wikipedia
The “coalition” between conservative parties and the Nazi’s was a vain attempt by an ageing, ailing and probably dementing Paul von Hindenburg to neutralise Hitler’s rise, after powerful supporters deserted him in his narrow victory in the 1932 election. Hindenburg was naive in the extreme in thinking that he could contain Hitler, who seduced “the old fool”, along with Conservative Hugenberg and Centre Party leader Kaas, by promoting a “people’s community” (Volksgemeinschaft ) to break down elitism and unite people across class divides to achieve a national purpose.
Those actions and statements above do not make a compelling case for a voluntary coalition between the NSDAP and various conservative parties, but instead one can see it as a naive attempt by those conservative parties to control the looming Nazi threat. Paul von Hindenburg had no idea just who he was climbing into bed with, and probably thought his status as a WW1 hero would allow him to marshal popular support to remain in the political driver’s seat, even as his age and memory were clearly failing him. A fatal error of judgement, and a gross underestimation of the adversary he and his fellow conservatives had sought to negate. Hindenburg may have been a brilliant battlefield tactician, but he was completely outflanked and outmanoeuvred by the Austrian corporal and his Nazi cohorts.
Having effectively neutralised “the Right” through an ailing 84 year old Paul von Hindenburg, the Nazis set their sights on their only likely opposition, the Communists and other Left leaning socialists. That they shared some (but not all) of their ideological underpinnings was largely irrelevant to the reasons for targeting this group, which instead related to the perceived level of threat they represented to the acquisition of absolute power, a task that was largely enabled through the actions of one lone Communist in setting fire to the Reichstag at such a crucial time in German history.
Having achieved full control over the legislative and executive branches of government, Hitler and his allies began to suppress the remaining opposition. The Social Democratic Party was banned and its assets seized. While many trade union delegates were in Berlin for May Day activities, SA stormtroopers occupied union offices around the country. On 2 May 1933, all trade unions were forced to dissolve and their leaders were arrested. Some were sent to concentration camps. The German Labour Front was formed as an umbrella organisation to represent all workers, administrators, and company owners, thus reflecting the concept of Nazism in the spirit of Hitler’s Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”).
On 2 August 1934, Paul von Hindenburg died. The previous day, the cabinet had enacted the “Law Concerning the Highest State Office of the Reich”. This law stated that upon Hindenburg’s death, the office of President would be abolished and its powers merged with those of the Chancellor.
Adolf Hitler thus became head of state as well as head of government, and was formally named as Führer und Reichskanzler (leader and Chancellor), although Reichskanzler was eventually quietly dropped. With this action, Hitler eliminated the last legal remedy by which he could be removed from office.
Source: Shirer, William L. (1960). The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-62420-0.
Hitler’s Relationship with Big Business:
Based upon writings from contemporary sources, the early links between big business and Adolf Hitler’s National Socialists were sporadic at best.
The early growth of the NSDAP took place without any significant aid from the circles of large scale enterprise. It was only after the Nazis electoral breakthrough in 1930, which was achieved without any significant aid from Big Business interests, that the party began to garner any significant support from the captains of industry.
Most contributions that were made were in the form of political “hedging”, rather than a sign of explicit form of support for Nazi policies. Furthermore, the few sizeable contributions that appear to have reached the Nazis from Big Business shrink in significance when compared to the amounts that went to the opponents of Nazism.
In light of Nazism sweeping through German society like an elemental force without Big Business support, industrialists clearly did not play a significant role in Hitler’s rise to power.
As a knowledgeable and perceptive observer, Joseph Schumpeter, commented, “The attitudes of capitalist groups toward the policy of their nations are predominantly adaptive rather than causative, today more than ever. Rather than shaping events, even the mightiest businessmen merely responded to events shaped by others.”
Nazism nominally and seemingly preserves private ownership of the means of production, and keeps the appearance of ordinary markets, prices, wages, and interest rates.
These are, however, no longer entrepreneurs, but mere shop managers (Betriebsführer in the terminology of the Nazi legislation). These shop managers are instrumental in the conduct of the enterprises entrusted to them; they buy and sell, hire and discharge workers and remunerate their services, contract debts and pay interest and amortization.
In all their activities they are bound to obey unconditionally the orders issued by the Nazi government’s supreme office of production management. This office (the Reichswirtschaftsministerium in Nazi Germany) tells the shop managers what and how to produce, at what prices and from whom to buy, at what prices and to whom to sell. It assigns every worker to his job and fixes his wages. It also decrees to whom and on what terms the capitalists must entrust their funds. Any market exchange therefore is merely a sham.
Hardly an example of free market capitalism, in any way shape or form, but in its stead a gradual “Bolshevisation” of industry was being established behind a facade of autonomy, where the Nazi party controlled every facet of these industries.
Inevitably, any profits in vast majority made their way directly or indirectly into Nazi coffers for the war effort, and had they won the War then all of these industries and businesses would have been eventually subsumed into the Party apparatus controlling every aspect of its activities for the state. The natural inclinations of the Nazis were entirely geared toward assuming total government control over the means of production.
The NSDAP brand of socialism envisioned the control of the means of production, distribution and exchange, but necessarily not the ownership. Dividends were generally limited to 6% of profits, the rest had to be reinvested.
Production they effectively controlled through the control of raw materials and labour; and exchange through a variety of methods. Outright ownership of companies didn’t start until 1936 and the creation of the Reichswerke Hermann Göring. It became the largest industrial combine in the world, and was 100% state owned. The SS itself also had vast industrial holdings under its full control.
“To put it quite clearly: we have an economic programme. Point No. 13 in that programme demands the nationalisation of all public companies, in other words socialisation, or what is known here as socialism. … the basic principle of my Party’s economic programme should be made perfectly clear and that is the principle of authority… the good of the community takes priority over that of the individual. But the State should retain control; every owner should feel himself to be an agent of the State; it is his duty not to misuse his possessions to the detriment of the State or the interests of his fellow countrymen. That is the overriding point.”
“Socialism as the final concept of duty, the ethical duty of work, not just for oneself but also for one’s fellow man’s sake, and above all the principle: Common good before own good, a struggle against all parasitism and especially against easy and unearned income. And we were aware that in this fight we can rely on no one but our own people.”
The Night of the Long Knives Was Not Ideologically Motivated:
The Night of the Long Knives was a purge that took place from June 30th to July 2nd 1934. Then Chancellor Adolf Hitler, urged on by Hermann Göring and Heinrich Himmler, ordered a series of political extrajudicial executions intended to consolidate his power, and alleviate the concerns of the German military about the role of Ernst Röhm and the Sturmabteilung (SA), the Nazis’ paramilitary organization, known colloquially as “Brownshirts”. Nazi propaganda at the time presented the murders as a preventive measure against an alleged imminent coup by the SA under Röhm – the so-called Röhm Putsch.
The majority of the killings were carried out by the Schutzstaffel (SS) paramilitary force, under the direction of Himmler, and by its Sicherheitsdienst (SD) Security Service, and Gestapo (secret police) under Reinhard Heydrich. Hermann Göring’s personal police battalion also took part in the killings.
Amongst the main victims of this purge, aside from Röhm, were leading members of the leftist-leaning Strasserist faction, including its leader Gregor Strasser, leading some to speculate that this purge of Leftist elements was indicative of an ideological divide within the Nazi Party, and that indicated Hitler’s more Right of centre inclinations.
This assertion completely ignores that amongst the large number murdered by Hitler and his henchmen were many establishment Right wing conservatives such as former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher and Bavarian politician Gustav Ritter von Kahr, who had helped suppress Hitler’s Munich Beer Hall Putsch in 1923. Thus, the fact that Strasser was the most Left leaning of the Nazis has since come to be misrepresented as being from an ideological causation: when it was much more accurate to describe it as a clean sweep of all Hitler’s foes, including those on the political Right and conventional conservatives.
Hitler was by this stage purely interested in the consolidation of power, and in removing any potential or perceived threats, in this instance by “liquidating” anyone who stood between his close knit faction and total control. As the Italian Mafia would be want to say in such circumstances- “It’s not personal, just business!”. The claim that Strasser’s death was ideological, in the context of the legion of other victims from various factions, and of differing ideologies, who were murdered in this bloody purge, can be seen to be completely unsustainable.
The Difference Between Italian Fascism and its German National Socialist Brethren:
The main difference between National Socialism and Italian Fascism is in the type of Nationalist thought that is prevalent in each ideology.
“Fascism, in its original conception, was not a racist, or racialist ideology. It is based on cultural Nationalism, and to a lesser extent civic Nationalism—it is about ideas. When Benito Mussolini came to power in Italy, anyone who was an Italian citizen could be a Fascist. In the 1920s and early 1930s, you only had to believe in Italian culture, and in the Fascist ideology. He didn’t care about your racial and/or ethnic heritage, or your religious beliefs, or much of anything else—as long as you believed in the potential for greatness in the Italian Nation and that Fascism was the way to get Italy there.
National Socialism is a form of Fascism that is very different in one key component—it includes a strong element of ethno-Nationalism. Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf laid out the ethnic component of his ideology, the “folkish state”, which was a concept that was totally alien to doctrinaire Fascism.
It should be noted that after Mussolini fell under Hitler’s spell, he became a racial Nationalist himself and the difference between the two ideologies narrowed greatly. Even today, this is a point of contention between a lot of Fascists—some of whom follow the original concepts of Fascism, and others who adopt some or all of the ideas of National Socialism.
The two ideologies share authoritarian top-down governance, very strong militarism, a belief that war strengthens the Nation and its people, and the concept of dirigisme, a state-directed planned economy in which private business and enterprise is allowed, but which is tightly regulated by the state. Nazi Germany even went so far as to adopt “Four-Year Plans”, along similar lines to the USSR’s “Five-Year Plans,” even though the official NSDAP line condemned everything about Communism as “Jewish” and anathema.“
The Occult and Satanic Roots of National Socialism:
Heinrich Himmler was Reichsführer of the Schutzstaffel (Protection Squadron; SS), and a leading member of the Nazi Party of Germany. Himmler was one of the most powerful men in Nazi Germany and a main architect of the Holocaust. He was also an occultist and an avowed satanist. He had a deep interest in Eastern religions which he believed were intrinsic to Aryan mythology and history. He saw Christianity as an off shoot of Judaism, a result of Jewish subterfuge to confuse and enslave the gentiles.
He promoted a cult of ancestor worship, particularly among members of the SS, as a way to keep the race pure and provide immortality to the nation. Viewing the SS as an “order” along the lines of the Teutonic Knights, he had them take over the Church of the Teutonic Order in Vienna in 1939. He began the process of replacing Christianity with a new moral code that rejected humanitarianism and challenged the Christian concept of marriage.
All regalia and uniforms of Nazi Germany, particularly those of the SS, used symbolism in their designs. The stylised lightning bolt logo of the SS was chosen in 1932. The logo is a pair of runes from a set of 18 Armanen runes created by Guido von List in 1906. The ancient Sowilō rune originally symbolised the sun, but was renamed “Sieg” (victory) in List’s iconography.
Himmler modified a variety of existing customs to emphasise the elitism and central role of the SS; an SS naming ceremony was to replace baptism, marriage ceremonies were to be altered, a separate SS funeral ceremony was to be held in addition to Christian ceremonies, and SS-centric celebrations of the summer and winter solstices were instituted, with his base at Wewelsburg Castle being central to the pagan and satanic rituals undertaken routinely by the SS inner circle over many years.
The Totenkopf (death’s head) symbol, used by German military units for hundreds of years, had been chosen for the SS by Julius Schreck. Himmler placed particular importance on the death’s-head rings; they were never to be sold, and were to be returned to him upon the death of the owner. He interpreted the death’s-head symbol to mean solidarity to the cause and a commitment unto death.
From Wikipedia:
Heinrich Himmler believed that a major task of the SS should be “acting as the vanguard in overcoming Christianity and restoring a ‘Germanic’ way of living” as part of preparations for the coming conflict between “humans and subhumans“.
Himmler biographer Peter Longerich wrote that, while the Nazi movement as a whole launched itself against Jews and Communists, “by linking de-Christianisation with re-Germanization, Himmler had provided the SS with a goal and purpose all of its own“.
Himmler was vehemently opposed to Christian sexual morality and the “principle of Christian mercy“, both of which he saw as dangerous obstacles to his planned battle with “subhumans”.
In 1937, Himmler declared: “We live in an era of the ultimate conflict with Christianity. It is part of the mission of the SS to give the German people in the next half century the non-Christian ideological foundations on which to lead and shape their lives. This task does not consist solely in overcoming an ideological opponent but must be accompanied at every step by a positive impetus: in this case that means the reconstruction of the German heritage in the widest and most comprehensive sense.”
Nazism had much more to do with Teutonic paganism, Theosophy and occultism than it did to Christianity, which was seen as an obstacle and not an aspiration.
“It was in the Thule Society that Hitler met those who would help him take over Germany and wage the Second World War. Rudolf Hess, Heinrich Himmler, Martin Bormann, Dietrich Eckart, Alfred Rosenberg, and Hermann Goering were all said to be members.
It was these, along with Hitler, who used the Thule Society – and it’s inner sect the Vril Society – to launch and promote the Nazi Party. But even amongst this sinister group, there was an inner core who were even more evil, if that is conceivable.
Bormann was an avowed Satanist…….Bormann, together with Rosenberg and Himmler, wanted to destroy Christianity and replace it with a truly occult religion of their own making. And along with the Thule Society, they created a political party that would try and do just that.”
None of this occultism and mysticism aligns even remotely with Christian (or even non-denominational) conservative values, or with what might be considered Right Wing or Far-Right ideology or thought of the time. Clearly, Nazism, and the main Nazi protagonists themselves had far a more complex set of beliefs, motivations and perspectives that are poorly described in such simplistic terms.
Conclusion:
To assess just how German National Socialism fits within the rather archaic and at times largely arbitrary Left/Right political spectrum, one must look to the origins of these terms that date back to the French Revolution in the late 18th century.
“The terms “Left” and “Right” appeared during the French Revolution of 1789 when members of the National Assembly divided into supporters of the King to the President’s right, and supporters of the revolution to his left. One deputy, the Baron de Gauville, explained: “We began to recognize each other: those who were loyal to religion and the King took up positions to the right of the chair so as to avoid the shouts, oaths, and indecencies that enjoyed free rein in the opposing camp“.
When the National Assembly was replaced in 1791 by a Legislative Assembly composed of entirely new members, the divisions continued. “Innovators” sat on the left, “moderates” gathered in the centre, while the “conscientious defenders of the constitution” found themselves sitting on the right, where the defenders of the “Ancien Régime” had previously gathered.
When the succeeding National Convention met in 1792, the seating arrangement continued, but following the coup d’état of 2 June 1793 and the arrest of the Girondins, the right side of the assembly was deserted and any remaining members who had sat there moved to the centre. However, following the Thermidorian Reaction of 1794, the members of the Far Left were excluded and the method of seating was abolished. The new constitution included rules for the assembly that would “break up the party groups”.
However, following the Restoration in 1814–1815, political clubs were again formed. The majority Ultraroyalists chose to sit on the right. The “Constitutionals” sat in the centre while independents sat on the left. The terms extreme right and extreme left as well as centre-right and centre-left came to be used to describe the nuances of ideology of different sections of the assembly.”
(Source: Wikipedia)
Hitler’s National Socialists, by these characteristics, clearly do not come close to the definition of “Right Wing” as it was originally posited and understood. The Nazis were clearly “innovators” (the nominal Left), proposing to radically transform Germany through revolution into their twisted image of a Utopian, ultranationalist and rigidly authoritarian society.
Hitler’s expansionism was at least in part motivated by desires promoted by this Utopian mindset, which soon thereafter required the acquisition of lands to the east (in western Russia) for Lebensraum (living space), where Hitler envisaged settling Germans as a master race, while deporting most of the ethnic Russians to Siberia and using the remainder as slave labour, for transforming this region into the agricultural and industrial heartland of the New Reich.
Hitler also despised the hereditary monarchy and the established religion of the Ancien Régime, and was clearly not a “conscientious defender of the constitution“, which he saw merely as an obstacle to the radical transformations that he and his Nazi cohorts aimed to undertake.
Therefore, the argument that Hitler’s Nazis were purely “Right Wing” ignores several aspects of their ideology inconsistent with the “Right” as Leftists like to categorise them. The Nazis were anti-conservative, anti-capitalist, revolutionary rather than reactionary, statist and proponents of universal health care and radical environmentalism.
Nazism is more accurately described, as stated above, as a syncretic ideology3 one that combines several aspects of both “Right” and “Left” in a “Third Way”- “National Socialism” as opposed to “International Socialism”, exactly as they describe themselves to be in their numerous personal statements and writings.
Leftists like to suggest that the Nazis must be “Right Wing” because racism was a central component of their ideological underpinnings, as though Leftists somehow, on first principles, cannot be racist. Stalin and Mao and Pol Pot were hideous racists, and clearly creatures of the Left. The early French socialists were also known to be racist and also were ultranationalists, and these tendencies persisted throughout much of the 19th century.
Populism and demagoguery are also clearly not exclusive to either the Right or Left, with many such examples spanning the broad expanse of the political spectrum. There is clearly a mere struck match between the Communism of Joseph Stalin (International Socialist Left) and the Fascism of Adolf Hitler (allegedly Right) as both were charismatic cult leaders of these allegedly “polar opposite” ideologies, with remarkably similar methods and ambitions. Their startling resemblance to one another is clearly a “trick of the light”, according to some political commentators at least.
Those of the nominally “Leftist” political persuasion also ignore that Eugenics and Social Darwinism were central to the Nazi ideology, with each being a pseudo-scientific movement that arose almost exclusively from the Left and was embraced with fervour by the Fabian Society (who would describe themselves as Left Wing Socialists) and by much of England’s and America’s intelligentsia, who were in majority also Left leaning socialists by natural inclination and identified as such.
Eugenics was a set of beliefs and practices that aim to improve the genetic quality of a human population. Historically, Eugenicists have attempted to alter human gene pools by excluding people and groups judged to be inferior or promoting those judged to be superior. The Fabians, like George Bernard Shaw in particular, were virulent Eugenicists, up to and including advocating the lethal chamber for “undesirables”: the elderly, the disabled, the feeble minded, the mentally ill, etc.- ideas with chilling and eerie similarity to the Nazi gas chambers, and their notoriously evil Final Solution.
There are therefore clearly elements of both political “wings” in National Socialism. There is, however, nothing remotely “conservative” about the ideology of Nazism, and although I wouldn’t go so far as to call them Leftists, they have a lot more in common with the Bolsheviks under Stalin than most “Leftists” are willing to acknowledge.
Thus it can readily be seen from all that has preceded in the article above that the simplistic notion that Nazism is exclusively, or even fundamentally “Right Wing” is at the very least a flawed assertion, and it is one that has routinely been accepted as received wisdom by the broadest sections of Western society. This misapprehension depends largely on the fluidity of definitions as to what constitutes Right or Far Right ideology, and the movable feast allows those on the Left of centre an adversary on which to focus their hate, in this instance clearly well deserved, safe in the knowledge that the Nazis could not possibly share any similar beliefs to those they might personally, or collectively hold dear.
Unfortunately, the reality is far more complex and nuanced than this false (albeit comforting) belief can logically sustain.
Footnotes:
1 Once in power, of course, Lenin then abolished these kind of “Soviets”, these collective worker based councils, and replaced them instead with his specially selected, elite cabinet which he called the “Supreme Soviet”. As Orwell noted, “all… are equal, but some are more equal than others”.
2 After WW1, the Treaty of Versailles inflicted severe punishments on Germany, including Article 231 which forced Germany to accept full and complete blame for the War and the damages therefrom.
The humiliation was completed through being forced to surrender 13% of its land, give up all its overseas colonies and pay huge financial reparations which eventually contributed significantly to the ruination of Germany economically.
At the time, many warned that the substance of the Treaty and the harshness of the conditions would make a repeat of the conflict inevitable. Such was the resentment felt by former soldiers such as Hitler, and a significant and growing proportion of the German population, that such sentiment was ripe for exploitation by the Nazis to rally the disaffected to their ultranationalist cause.
Hitler used these circumstances to full effect in fiery speeches condemning those who “stabbed Germany in the back” during, and in the aftermath of WW1, including the Jews who were singled out for specific criticism for their alleged lack of patriotism.
This stab-in-the-back myth was widely believed and promulgated in Germany after 1918. It maintained that the Imperial German Army did not lose World War 1 on the battlefield, but was instead betrayed by certain citizens on the home front—especially Jews, revolutionary socialists who fomented strikes and labor unrest, and other republican politicians who had overthrown the House of Hohenzollern in the German Revolution of 1918–1919. Advocates of the myth denounced the German government leaders who had signed the Armistice of 11 November 1918 as the “November criminals” (Novemberverbrecher).
When Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party rose to power in 1933, they made the conspiracy theory an integral part of their official history of the 1920s, portraying the Weimar Republic as the work of the “November criminals” who had “stabbed the nation in the back” in order to seize power.
Nazi propaganda depicted Weimar Germany as “a morass of corruption, degeneracy, national humiliation, ruthless persecution of the honest ‘national opposition’—fourteen years of rule by Jews, Marxists, and ‘cultural Bolsheviks’ who had at last been swept away by the National Socialist movement under Hitler and the victory of the ‘national revolution’ of 1933″.
Source: Kolb, Eberhard (2005). The Weimar Republic. New York: Routledge. p. 140. ISBN 0415344425.
3 Syncretic ideology is one which combines or brings together different philosophical, religious, or cultural principles and practices.